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Sunday, April 29, 2012

AUCC CELEBRATE 10TH YEAR ANNIVERSARY









I went, i saw, i even conquered when African University College Of Communications celebrate her tenth year anniversary on the 18th of April
2012, under the theme named "Education in age of globalization".
the great young school with a great name as been able to proof her self after been graduating professionals communicators for  African especially Ghanaian community since nine years ago.


The event started exact 9:30 am, which anchored by Mr. Ogochukwu Nwenke the director of   director of students’ affair AUCC, whiles the fantastic event started with prayer  with led by  Mr. Atto Amoaneng, the dean of journalism department. The introduction of the guest followed when the chairman of the occasion was introduced Prof. kwame alex. This was done by the master of the program his self after which the AUCC choir gave their performance titled “We love our continent and we must make our people proud".
Furthermore the chairman of the gives his remarks started with his privilege and honored to be part the great institution since day one. He proceeded with sending gratitude’s to those who has made the great  AUCC what it is today, which he backed it with the says “ to be a woman is not a joke".

The president of the school Mr. kojo yankah also present  his lunch adress which started with a gratitudes from him to the Ga Adabraka matse, Pro. Alex kwame,  to the governing council, to the product of the institution that are making a wonderful contribution in their various disciplines, and also to the non teaching staffs  by saying ayeekoo!!!. More so, he moved on to to bring a solution to the problem concerning the theme of the occasion  which he talk about Globalization more economy:  origin of globalization was not a concept. It became more popular after the First World War. But has become very light on the tongue because of integration and advancement of ICT.
In addition the last speaker presented his speech Prof. Izard a visited professor from Ohio state university, when he talk about forum on media diversity; how to  conduct a research , organize program to their  best to foster the partnership. Also he talk about how diversity is equal to indusivnes, diversity been truth, and also how diversity is a method, purpose democracy, multiple respect, religion and ethnicity. In the end of  his st presentation he explain what the goal of journalist is, when he said the goal of the journalist is not to present his opinion, but rather his goal is to present the opinion of someone
after the presentation of the Prof. a yoruba poem was read by a Nigerian level 100 student of AUCC wih titled "Ebowo fun Agba" meaning give respect to the elders. an igbo cultural   performance followed by Oyinbusola Ounsi, kolawole folake, and Elegbede Aishat from Nigerian students Association AUCC chapter . then a vote of thanks come up , and at last there was a pumping of Champaign by some selected people on the high table... I WISH AUUC A HAPPY 10TH ANNIVERSARY I SAY LONG LIFE AUCC, LONG LIFE GHANA, LONG LIFE NIGERIA,LONG LIFE AFRICA.


Do war crimes trials really help victims?

 The long overdue verdict in the case of the former Liberian President Charles Taylor will be widely celebrated as a critical achievement for international criminal law.
 Taylor has been on trial at the special court for Sierra Leone since 2006 on 11 charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity, including murder, rape, pillage and the conscription of child soldiers.
Champions of international justice will highlight the unquestionable importance of prosecuting a former head of state, which signals that political seniority is no guarantee of immunity. They will also see the child soldier charge against Taylor as particularly pertinent, given the recent focus on this crime in Africa by the Kony 2012 internet campaign and the International Criminal Court's (ICC) conviction of Congolese warlord Thomas Lubanga. 


But amid the celebrations at the end of the Taylor trial, important questions should be asked about the future of international justice. In the next few years, the war crimes tribunals for Sierra Leone, Rwanda, the former Yugoslavia, Lebanon and Cambodia will all close their doors, leaving the ICC as the sole international judicial institution. The Taylor trial asks two main questions that impinge on the ICC's ongoing work: does international justice genuinely help victims of mass crimes and are lengthy, expensive international trials a worthwhile investment by foreign donors in the age of austerity?


One answer to these questions is that it is of greater benefit to victims and better value for donors to invest in rebuilding domestic judicial institutions in conflict-affected countries rather than whisking atrocity suspects off to The Hague.
See high-res photos of the Charles Taylor years
The Taylor trial highlights three main shortcomings of all international criminal justice institutions.
First, the length of the Taylor trial is unjustifiable, delaying justice for his victims, dulling the societal impact of the case and increasing the financial costs. That it has taken the special court six years to deliver a verdict is partly due to the legal complexity of the case but also to the histrionics of international defense and prosecution lawyers, who have constantly sought media and donor attention.


 Key grandstanding moments during this trial included Taylor and his defense counsel twice walking out when judges demanded their participation and the prosecution's distraction of calling Naomi Campbell as a star witness. The case has also been delayed because several of the international legal personnel have other professional commitments alongside their work for the court. These included Taylor's defense counsel and one of the judges, who halfway through the trial took up a new role at the International Court of Justice.


Second, the Taylor trial suffered -- as all international criminal cases do -- from the narrowness of the charges against him. Because of the inherent length and expense of international trials, prosecutors typically focus on crimes that they can most easily prove, rather than those that may be most representative of the suspect's atrocities or most salient in the eyes of affected populations. While the 11 charges against Taylor are more expansive than those brought against most international suspects, they still ignore arguably Taylor's most egregious crimes, namely those committed in his home country, Liberia, because of the special court's mandate which focuses solely on crimes committed within Sierra Leone.


The trial also overlooks the role played by Taylor's various foreign backers, which during the conflict in Sierra Leone included Libya, Guinea, Côte d'Ivoire and a host of international corporations that profited from the blood diamonds used by Taylor-backed rebels to fund their military campaign. Without the training, logistical and financial support of these outside actors, Taylor could never have wrought such destruction on Sierra Leonean soil.


Finally, the Taylor trial was weakened by the distance of the trial from the location -- and the victims -- of his crimes. In 2006 because of security concerns, the Freetown-based Special Court for Sierra Leone transferred Taylor to The Hague to be prosecuted in a courtroom leased from the ICC. This denied victims the opportunity to see firsthand the justice being done in their name. The distance also limited the number of Sierra Leoneans who could be called as defence and prosecution witnesses, which decreased the quality of evidence weighed by the Court.


The problem of distance for international institutions is more than geographical and also one of a particular international legal mentality. Even international courts such as those for Sierra Leone and Cambodia, which are based in-country, are often wilfully detached from those societies, citing the need to remain neutral and impartial from domestic political influences. The transplant of foreign modes of law, with its wigs and gowns, and imposing, high-security courtrooms separate international law from local populations, even when those courtrooms are physically located in conflict-affected countries. Further highlighting this separation, when these international institutions pack up and leave in the coming years, they will have contributed little to the building of domestic legal infrastructure or training of local judicial personnel, who will have to carry on the task of delivering justice long after foreign lawyers have departed.


These problems in the Taylor case highlight the inherent limitations of international criminal justice. Meanwhile, the recent example of high-level Rwandan genocide suspects being extradited home to face justice in a heavily reformed domestic system -- and in front of the Rwandan population -- highlights other important possibilities. In particular, it suggests that a new donor focus on supporting domestic judiciaries around the world might not only make financial sense but also deliver more tangible benefits to victims and societies recovering from mass conflict.


source: CNN






Sudan arrests foreigners in disputed region..... kudos to you guys jorrrrrrrrrr


One of the four foreigners captured whilst investigating debris from recent fighting between Sudan and South Sudan in the Heglig oilfield area on April 28, 2012, is escorted off an airplane by Sudanese soldiers in Khartoum.
Sudan has arrested foreigners in the disputed region أف Heglig, its defense ministry said Saturday, the latest in the spiraling conflict between the Sudans.
Those arrested were identified by the defense ministry as British, Norwegian, South African and South Sudanese.
"They were engaged in suspicious activities, collecting war debris," it said.
Meanwhile, a South Sudanese military spokesman reported ongoing clashes and bombings -- though a Sudanese military spokesman denied any such attacks.
Col. Philip Aguer, a spokesman for the Sudan People's Liberation Army of South Sudan, said eight bombs were dropped in Unity state Saturday.
Friday, "Khartoum-supported mercenaries" attacked an SPLA position in a town called Wau, causing 21 deaths, he said. Three fighters were captured alive, he added.
The SPLA seized three trucks, which are said to belong to the Sudanese Armed Forces, said Aguer, vowing to retaliate against "all these acts of aggression."
But Al-Sawarmi Khalid, a spokesman for the Sudanese Armed Forces, said, "We have not bombed Wau, or any other place in South Sudan."
South Sudan split from Sudan last year as part of a 2005 peace deal that ended decades of war in Africa's largest nation. The war left 2 million people dead and ended with the peace agreement that included an independence referendum for the south.
Despite the split in July, unresolved issues remain between the two, including status of their citizens, division of national debt, disputed border areas and sharing of oil wealth.
Simmering tensions peaked this month when South Sudan seized the oil-producing region of Heglig from Sudan, raising the stakes by targeting a resource that fuels the economies of both nations.
Heglig oil facilities account for about half of Sudan's production of 115,000 barrels a day.
Sudan claims ownership for the region, and lodged complaints with the United Nations and the African Union to pressure South Sudan to withdraw troops from its territory.
A day after South Sudan withdrew from the disputed region, it accused Sudan of launching ground and aerialttacks on its territory.
source: CNN